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Journal of Social Psychology, , Burma, John. What is African pre- history? Our studies begin with the era called "prehistoric," meaning before the era known as "historic" meaning written records.

It is an important era. Mostly because it includes the very great majority of the total time on earth that humankind has spent developing basic human abilities and culture.

Agorsah ". The traditional "Stone Age" name comes from the stone tools. For the history of the continents, see History of the Americas. The United States ranges from the Atlantic Ocean on the nation's east coast to the Pacific Ocean bordering the west, and also includes the state of Hawaii, a series of islands located.

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While Fight Where We Stand used actual transcripts, it consisted of the motionless images and projected voices of actors. The video series consisted of a series of extracts from interviews with participants who conveyed their personal experiences.

South African engagement with social history in the s had taken the form of two unfolding narratives, one academic, based on culturalist notions of class and consciousness, and the other, popular, located within the cultural politics of nationalism.

These were parallel and compatible resistance narratives that mirrored a debate on the left around unions, communities, and politics.

The compatibility of these narratives was demonstrated by the publication of Write Your Own History, written by Leslie Witz and produced in under the auspices of the History Workshop and SACHED, perhaps the leading service organization involved in alternative education at the time.

In its presentation and construction of a relationship and dialogue between critical history and political activism, it promoted history as process.

Bringing the two resistance narratives together, the book relied on constructing identities through the mobilization of an implicit politics of memory that assumed fixed practices of oral signification.

Collective memories were analogous to the remembrances of individuals, linked by the group experiences of race and class in communities and shared by the ideal memory and identity of these individuals.

Multiple individual voices equalled collective memory and represented collective identity. Furthermore, both tend to consider oral history in a rather utilitarian way as lesson, as source, as authentic voice.

Speaking Back From the early s, oral history conceived as a democratic practice of social and popular history in South Africa began to come under stress.

What was called into question were claims of its decolonization and its assumption of inherent radicalism and transformatory intent, in both method and content, predicated on its apparent access to the consciousness of experience.

In particular the work of Carolyn Hamilton and Isabel Hofmeyr stand out in this regard. The challenge was both theoretical and methodological.

It must be said that this was not happening on a wide scale. Some of what we are identifying occurred momentarily, and to refer to these as major new trends may be too strong.

But the questions that were asked here, and elsewhere, are pivotal, and the challenges posed require wider discussion and consideration for the theory and practice of oral history in South Africa.

The major research areas of the social history approach in South Africa continued to be the primary focus in the Western Cape as well.

This has meant that historical attention has remained focused on local communities; on histories of organizations, particularly those seen as resistance organizations; and finally on life histories.

All have drawn directly on both invoking and evoking experience. Alongside this, research has begun to challenge some of the tired, neat formulae and model frameworks of history as resistance, as lesson, and as mobilizing tool.

Increasingly, these new oral transcripts and their translation into historical narratives began, both consciously and often inadvertently, to unravel the constructions of resistance that were pervasive in the local historiography.

What is being found in these newer studies is the realization that, in even more complex ways than has previously been the rule in new social history, apartheid did not always produce resistance, and that resistance was not always occasioned by apartheid.

Rather, alongside difference and inequality lie more subtle forms of economic, cultural, and intellectual exchange integrally tied to the layers in which past and present are negotiated through memory, tradition, and history, both written and oral.

Equally importantly is the sense in which the periodizations of resistance have begun to alter, fragmenting the overall nationalist narrative as no longer one containing incremental modes negotiating modernity.

Where South African history has previously seen organized, class-based, or community-rooted resistance and triumph, local historians have been forced to listen to, and converse with, multiple identities and cross-cutting tracks of historical knowledge.

Rich and complex histories have been written that do not easily romanticize and essentialize the past through a simple dichotomy between apartheid and resistance.

The story of Kas Maine does offer major new insights, drawn from detailed examinations of the black family, the sharecropping economy, and the gradual erosions caused by the encroaching tide of capitalism, and virulent forms of racism and complex paternalistic relations.

The ways that Kas Maine used memory as a resource, a storehouse of oral knowledge about prices, markets, contracts, and agreements, and about weather, movement, and family, is highlighted.

Van Onselen appears less concerned with how this tells its own story of remembrance, forgetting, and narrativity, as with a continuing conventional approach to memory to generate evidence of experience.

Anyone wishing to come to terms with popular consciousness and the role it plays in political behaviour would do well to pay close attention to words and stories, granting them an independence that is not inevitably yoked to a material base.

Oral history becomes a source, not a complex of historical narratives whose form is not fixed. In South African social history, where agency retains a coherence and confrontational status, these uniform collectivities continue to be constructed as primarily ones of class.

The first concerns the dialogue between individual and collective memory. If, as in South African historiography, collective memory is seen as the collective meanings that belong to the political field, individual memory is also seen to be primarily part of this field as it makes sense of historical details in direct relation to political legitimacy.

This field is configured by the literate racial and class worlds of the modern South African state and its equally literate and modernist oppositions.

This is left to history and the written word. The individual is inscribed into this collective memory as resister, or a variant thereof.

Oral history has been less conversational narrative and more dramatic monologue that binds, affirms, and entrenches the collective memory of this history.

This has meant that oral messages, public meetings, and spoken words mark the modern paths of state and society development in South Africa in very important respects, as both Hofmeyr and Hamilton show.

As significantly there has also been a converse failure to see the way that the written archive is literally full of oral history and always has been.

The ways in which the documents of these archives reflect the writing down and institutionalization of oral literacy and historical forms needs to be confronted and explored.

As Nicky Rousseau has argued: Despite the fact that white radical historians for the most part are completely reliant on translation or on documents that themselves have gone through multiple processes of translation, they have clung to an approach that suggests that language houses meaning in an apparently neutral and transparent way.

But it also held the tension between its staging its mathematics, drawing on Hofmeyr and its unrecognized acts or grammars in play. And they were visible in the subsequent media engagement with the TRC, which forms our focus in this final section.

Initially we wish to make a crucial distinction between the actual events of the hearings themselves textual and our focus, which is narrowed to the dominant textual meanings constituted in different media about the past.

These engagements are also situated outside of the site of the university, and the stories told seem to fall outside the explicit parameters of an evidentiary research paradigm originating from this institutional site of history, and thus outside of social history directives.

Seen as a space of historical possibilities, these oral histories are about the relationship between individual lives and the contexts in which they unfold, rather than simply about informing an already present context.

These write over the possible other narratives of human connections. Out of ordinary voices, the past will become known, the real story told.

In other words, the view of history is one that relies on realist, objective, and positivist interpretations of the hearings as proof of a hidden history.

The use of story, as invoked in the media, is set against history. History remains a process of documenting, translating, checking, and interpreting the stories or tales.

This can be seen in who tells stories and who does not. Writing and the production of written texts is the represented language of authority, despite the mass of words spoken, translated, and interrogated.

Fourthly, the complex set of concerns around translation equally demonstrates media processes of writing over narratives and words.

This is the case not just in the dominant language translations that take place into English, but in the whole set of translations allowing for the reading of evidence and stories in particular ways.

As Michele Barrett and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak have differently pointed out, the politics of translation takes on a massive life of its own if you see language as the process of meaning-construction and not simply as transferals of transparent bodies of meaning.

Fifthly, media representations have dramatic implications for the gendering of the past. For women, though, the stories they tell are given meaning in the media around stasis, reproduction, nostalgia, emotion, aesthetics, the body.

Quite clearly we are highlighting certain aspects at the expense of others here. These can be read as the loops of silence giving form to and between sentences and narratives.

Here these narratives of the past, these histories are reduced, hidden, evaded into innocence, tradition, orality, storytelling, emotions, performance, and fiction.

The media no longer speak in the more narrow language of the TRC; they talk about the whole past now becoming known. But the TRC, read differently, also shows the loops of silence in social history itself in relation to other narratives and representations of pastness, and in relation to words.

The particular silence of content and context has been too readily taken to stand for the whole, one seen in opposition to the other. What occurs is the construction of experience along an axis of representation that is profoundly contaminated by the meanings of social history.

This chapter has suggested ways of questioning this dominant authority in the works of social history and in the media representations of the past drawn from the TRC.

In both, we argue that words may be heard but not listened to. The remembrance of words an aspect of collective memory is reduced to national things, and the words of remembrance translated into the worlds of History.

Olive Schreiner, a young South African writing more than a century ago, offers a conclusion worthy of remembrance: Human life may be painted according to two methods.

There is the stage method. There is a sense of satisfaction in this, and of completeness. Here nothing can be prophesied.

There is a strange coming and going of feet. Men appear, act and re-act upon each other, and pass away. When the crises comes the man who would fit it does not return.

When the curtain falls no one is ready. When the footlights are brightest they are blown out; and what the name of the play is no one knows.

If there sits a spectator who knows, he sits so high that the players in the gaslight cannot hear his breathing.

Life may be painted according to either method; but the methods are different. The canons of criticism that bear upon the one cut cruelly upon the other.

The question mark in the cleverly crafted ambivalent conference title suggested a structural presence in meaning and materiality and opened up debates about possible endings, replacements, and reconfigurations of history.

This was not the result of an Afrikaner Nationalist conspiracy but arose out of attempts to create a settler nationalist ideology.

For both, Van Riebeeck represented the spirit of apartheid and the originator of white domination. More than any other of the chapters in this book, this one has a much more empirical approach to public history, detailing processes, events, individuals, organizations, and contestations in and of the Van Riebeeck Tercentenary Festival.

The chapter is not about everyday life or the experience of history from below, but about how histories in the public domain were constructed.

We write about the genres of historical production such as the press report, the moving pageant, the festival fair, the boycott, and the public meeting, how these were constituted and how they were constituting histories.

As indicated above, what this brought into question was a determining framework of South African history built around domination and resistance that left the event of settlement as foundational.

Jan and Maria van Riebeeck, Adderley Street, Cape Town, 8 November Inverted Jan van Riebeeck, District Six Museum, 26 November Jordan of the Unity Movement, gave a graphic description, in Xhosa, of a history of repression and state violence and warned of the dangers of participating.

Can we celebrate our enslavement? Perspectives supportive of the political project of white domination created and perpetuate the Van Riebeeck icon as the bearer of civilization to the subcontinent and its source of history.

Opponents of racial oppression have portrayed Van Riebeeck as public history enemy number one of the South African national past.

The festival was about more than the landing, the settlement, and the attributes of Van Riebeeck. Here was an attempt to display the growing power of the apartheid state and to assert its confidence.

In so doing, the festival raised fundamental questions about the construction and composition of the South African nation, what constituted a national history, and the icons and symbols of that history.

The Groot Trek Eeufees [Great Trek Centenary Festival] had served to mobilize Afrikaans-speaking whites as members of the Afrikaner nation, with its exclusive sacred traditions and history.

The tenuous victory of , coupled with the limited framework of political support afforded by Afrikaner nationalism, required the power base of the state to be broadened.

While at times this came into conflict with the narrower Afrikaner nationalist agenda, the foregrounding of Jan van Riebeeck in the festival was central to the broader political scheme.

Van Riebeeck was the symbol, not of the Afrikaner nation, as argued by Shamil Jeppie and Albert Grundlingh, but of white rule as a whole, and Cape Town was promoted as the founding city of the white nation.

The late s had seen the growth of the Non-European Unity Movement, the emergence of a more militant African National Congress, the rise of squatter movements, and ongoing attempts by the Communist Party to extend its support.

These movements presented a challenge to an exclusive conception of the nation, racial domination, and unfolding apartheid legislation.

In response the South African state began to ban people and organizations and to propagate its own image of the nation.

The Van Riebeeck festival was a presentation of the settler image of the nation on a massive public scale. Africans were recipients of civilization and under the tutelage of whites.

Here was a public arena in which white settler domination could be constructed and displayed with untrammelled vulgarity; and it was Van Riebeeck who was made to embody this supremacy.

By the s, South African had a weak national history. Historical figures were not accorded national prominence, events were not recorded as national South African milestones, and there was no historical progression toward the accomplishment of nationhood.

Building blocks for this national history had already taken some shape through Afrikaner nationalist histories, in which movements, processes, and the accomplishments of the ordinary people were highlighted.

Though the Voortrekker centenary celebrations of certainly started at the foot of the Van Riebeeck statue in Cape Town, he was not portrayed as the founding father.

Except for intermittent moments of small-scale ceremonies, confined to isolated venues, the landing was barely commemorated.

Despite these annual offerings, F. It was only after the Second World War that Van Riebeeck acquired the singular, almost unanimous, symbolism of white settler power.

Based on many of the building blocks derived from previous usages, Van Riebeeck was qualitatively transformed from a person involved in historical processes to an icon of national history.

When the Cape Town City Council took over the flower laying ceremony, the commemoration acquired official status with representatives from Afrikaans, Dutch, and English organizations participating.

In the immediate aftermath of the nationalist victory in , this committee identified the need to broaden its base to include the administrators of the provinces; Professor T.

Davie, the principal of UCT; G. Initiatives were set in motion to establish a central executive committee and a special Cape Town committee to oversee the construction of the festival.

It symbolises the efforts and glories of the past and the hopes of a future generation of a united South African nation.

Thirty subcommittees, with specific responsibilities, were established to plan this public historical extravaganza.

Administrative committees dealt with finance, publicity, and accommodation. The content of particular events was dealt with by the art, culture, industry, and sports committees.

Certain committees focused on the participation by women and youth. A separate subcommittee, headed by I.

Schoeman, crafted bows and arrows in the gaze of thousands of onlookers. Indeed, the festival fair was seen as part of this civilizing mission.

Here the visitor could see displays of gold ware and coins, cut-away exhibits of deep-level mining operations, model ships carrying gold bullion abroad, and photographs through an epidiascope, portraying the concern of the mines for the welfare of its workers.

The mining industry, on the contrary, was experiencing a period of renewed confidence. The Chamber of Mines and the Anglo American Corporation entered into an agreement with Britain and the United States to provide uranium for their atomic energy programs.

Handsome profits were generated from the mining of uranium derived from the tailings of the Witwatersrand gold mines. It took a different medium, that of the street pageant, to provide white power with a history and legitimacy.

Historical pageants were held throughout the country. These culminated in a historical procession in the streets of Cape Town on April 3, which was repeated the following day.

The scale and spectacle were of monumental proportions. It took 70 floats, horses, drummers, 9 full brass bands, and, in total, 2, participants to create a moving pageant of the past.

This medium contained an inherent ambiguity. On the one hand, it offered a dramatic opportunity for public space to be infused with history, almost commanding onlookers to imbibe its offerings and to take their place in a national past.

On the other hand, a pageant on the streets was more difficult to control and contain. The audience could not easily be regulated, the crowds could quickly become unruly, and the participants might use the opportunity to ascribe their own historical meanings to different events in the procession.

The Cape Town City Council was worried about the unnecessary expenses a pageant would entail. Others thought it was a tedious dramatic form and that onlookers would lose interest very quickly.

These concerns were rejected by the pageant committee. Fears were being expressed in the pages of the Rand Daily Mail that the purpose of the pageant would be to display a hostile British imperialism persecuting the Afrikaner nation.

The Dutch, the English, the French, and even the Scots and the Germans contributed to this nation, in processes ranging from volksplanting to the mineral revolution.

It is significant that the roles of these figures were played by their direct descendants, Martin Thompson and Jacobus Uys.

These were displayed, on a rainy autumn day in Cape Town, in a lonely and deserted stadium, to a handful of spectators.

For the malays, Sheik Yusuf, who arrived in the Cape in from Java to serve his banishment order, was depicted as the founding father of the malay nation.

Two more random events, political exiles arriving in the Cape and the malay Corps participating in the Battle of Blaauwberg, constituted the history of the malays.

Solemn prayers were read and thousands of pigeons were released. From the beach he was conveyed by coach to the Castle, where, from the height of the balcony, he and Frances Holland, who played the wife Maria, waved to the assembled crowd.

He was imbued with almost messianic characteristics: the son of Europe, the father of white South Africa, the original bearer of civilization, whose spirit endured in the emerging policy of apartheid.

The major organized political opposition to the Van Riebeeck tercentenary came from the federal bodies affiliated to the Non-European Unity Movement NEUM.

Political organizations, like the Anti-Coloured Affairs Department Anti-CAD and the All African Convention AAC ; teachers bodies, like the Cape African Teachers Association CATA and the Teachers League of South Africa TLSA ; civic and vigilance associations; and even sporting organizations were part of this broad front.

Noncollaboration and the weapon of the boycott were, for them, the primary means of struggle. And the Van Riebeeck festival provided the Unity Movement with the ideal opportunity to intervene and put these principles and strategies into practice.

This was the result of pressures from more youthful elements within its ranks and new conditions of increased proletarianization and mass struggle.

Part of this change in direction at the beginning of the s was a planned campaign to defy the emerging apartheid legislation on a widespread scale.

Although April 6, , was selected as the day to launch the Defiance Campaign, little of the action was directed at the Van Riebeeck festival. The ANC decided definitively not to participate in the planned festivities, and in so doing, lent its support to the boycott initiated by the Unity Movement.

However, the boycott was not connected integrally to the planning of the Defiance Campaign. Blacks were being invited to come and participate in the representation of their domination and its depiction as historically inevitable.

At civic meetings held in Cape Town, involving the Welcome Estate-Rylands Civic Association, Gleemoor Civic Association, Wetton Ratepayers Association, and the Bloemhof Flats Housing Scheme, emphatic decisions were made to boycott the planned festivities.

In Langa, a history research committee was set up to investigate the proposals made by the NAD. At its report back meeting, held on September 27, , at the Langa Market Hall, a boycott resolution was carried unanimously by a range of organizations that included the National Council of African Women, the Society of Young Africa SOYA , the Langa Vigilance Association, the ANC branch, the Traders Association, and even the Rugby Football Union.

Branches of the Teachers League of South Africa decided to boycott and advised teachers to forbid pupils from buying Van Riebeeck memorabilia.

And only the slaves among us could consciously and voluntarily join them. Cultural groupings, which the festival organizers had attempted to draw into the celebrations, largely rejected participation.

One section of the Christmas Choirs bands decided early on in the campaign to boycott, while the Malay Choir Board vacillated under threat of losing a venue for its annual competitions.

By February more than half of the main malay choirs, including the Celtics and the Boarding Boys, had spurned invitations to perform at the Van Riebeeck Stadium.

In a festival postmortem, Die Burger devoted special attention to lamenting the absence of coloreds at the festival.

Black attendance at festival events was correspondingly negligible. The scale and spectacle of these resistance mediums were not nearly as grandiose and their capacity to disseminate alternative constructions limited by comparison.

From late , with increasing regularity, and in the final weeks before April, meetings were held every night in every corner of Cape Town.

From Cape Town central, District Six, and Schotsche Kloof, to Kensington, Vasco, and Elsies River, to Kewtown, Grassy Park, and Nyanga, people gathered to hear speakers promote the boycott campaign.

Speaker after speaker emphasized the need for unity and principled and programmatic struggle. This is their last supper.

History was disseminated through the spoken word rather than through dramatic spectacle. In Langa, novelist and linguist A.

Probably the foremost among them was S. Goolam Gool. Messages of support for the mass meeting were read out loud and a resolution was passed reaffirming the boycott of the Van Riebeeck festival.

The symbolic meaning of Van Riebeeck as enslaver, divider, and strangler of the nation was propagated through the prominent display of posters with an inverted image of the icon emblazoned with a cross of disapproval defacing its facade.

While the Cape Town defiance gathering was not the central meeting of the campaign, its significance lies in its coinciding, almost to the minute, with the climax of the Van Riebeeck festival: the solemn laying of wreaths at the base of the Van Riebeeck column at the entrance to the festival stadium.

The previous day, of course, in a ceremony overflowing with symbolic meaning, Van Riebeeck Andre Huguenet had landed at Granger Bay.

Malan, we will not allow fascism in South Africa. We have nothing to hide. These took place in the pages of The Torch, the newspaper of the Unity Movement, and the Guardian, which was supportive of the Congress movement.

Specific historical representations of the festival were subjected to public critique and reassessment. In the process, writers like Eddie Roux, Hosea Jaffe, and Ben Kies, sometimes writing under pseudonyms, began to develop alternative historical emphases and public conceptions of the South African past.

The attempt to create malay stereotypes with Sheik Yusuf as an icon of malay ethnic history, alongside khalifas, the new moon, and the Kramat, was turned on its head.

In Java, the Sheik had fought against the Dutch, who in turn had persecuted and banished him to the Cape. According to The Torch, Sheik Yusuf was a resister, who believed in noncollaboration.

A modern strategy was transposed three hundred years back in time in order to create a history that justified the present form of political struggle.

Sheik Yusuf, the guerrilla fighter and social bandit, was projected as an icon of resistance. For Roux, did not represent the birth of a new nation.

Van Riebeeck was now imbued with immoral qualities: the once petty criminal, who turned his attention to larger booty and stole the land.

The point of departure of these histories constructed around the boycott was, however, the same as the festival histories. Van Riebeeck remained the shaper of the South African past, and conflicts were reduced to an assessment of his moral qualities and legacy.

The debate moved little beyond whether Van Riebeeck was saint or sinner, superhero or criminal. The construction of the Van Riebeeck icon by the festival was not the work of an Afrikaner nationalist conspiracy.

Here was an attempt to establish a symbol of settler domination, the founding father of white civilization on the southern tip of Africa.

But Van Riebeeck was also made on the Grand Parade and in resistance newspapers. The forms of opposition that emerged were an integral part of the making of the festival and the Van Riebeeck icon.

In the narrative that was constructed, both by those seeking to establish apartheid and those who sought to challenge it, Van Riebeeck represented the spirit of apartheid and the beginnings of white domination.

Popular historical products from the late s and early s, which at times draw upon radical historiography, are also located in this tradition.

It still occupies this position in virtually all expressions of South African public history and has not, as yet, been written out of the script.

Van Riebeeck continues to watch over South Africa, its future and its unsettled past. Through analyzing tourism sites, narratives, and routes, and providing a genealogy of these, we began the process of showing how destinations and their histories were produced.

The first was that we wanted to place a history of South African tourism in a much wider framework of a visual economy of Africa as a destination.

Hence we think about the assignation of routes and the imaging of sites as part of the demarcation of Africa into a series of distinct tourist zones.

In our analyses of the ways that South African tourism attempted to reimage itself as a cultural encounter, it was the movement through the constructed spaces of cultural villages, township tours, and themed environments that mattered.

District Six, Cape Town, circa Great Zimbabwe soapstone bird, Ratanga Junction Theme Park, 10 October The tourists themselves are positioned as independent travelers who are then directed along well-worn routes.

Africa was mapped into three distinct zones of European imagination for the emerging tourist trade. Europe was, however, still at hand to ensure the security and comfort of the tourist.

Although the definition of Africanness and what is constituted as a renaissance are an arena for considerable debate, the conviction is to create images that repudiate the stereotypes of backwardness and primitiveness.

There are two components to this cultural specialization. The one is the location of South Africa as essentially African, with a search for a set of African images, where Africa has become a signature and a design style.

This chapter examines this concentration on culture and asks whether this constitutes a fundamental shift in the way that memories of South Africa are being produced in the tourist gaze.

The cultural village is fast consolidating itself as a new genre of cultural museum, incorporating the previously marginalized into the tourist route.

While these sites are mainly directed at international visitors, their constellation of images are implicated in the construction of national memory.

At Ratanga Junction, where the postcolonial slips easily back into the colonial, tourist images are brought home on a colossal scale.

These take the form of shops, markets, and roadside stalls, where curio crafts, sometimes made by local communities, are commoditized and sold.

A past-present relationship is established through the gaze on human culture scripted as traditional and designed as authentic, where the visitor can encounter the carefully rehearsed performance of indigenous knowledge.

In Kwazulu-Natal, cultural villages have a long genealogy. Not only is Lesedi in easy reach of Johannesburg, but like Dumazulu it offers a range of ethnic experiences.

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